The protest movements of Tibet and Xinjiang have caused a stir in the Western hemisphere in the past year, but there is another country controversially linked to China that seems to be neglected by Western media. Taiwan has been a main source of tension between the United States and China ever since the China Communist Party rose to power after WWII, causing the Nationalist Party (backed by the US) to flee to Taiwan and establish their own government in Taipei. Last night, Columbia’s Taiwanese American Students Association invited Mr D. Lee Ridley, a project coordinator with the Center for Strategic and International Studies, to lecture on America’s historic role in China-Taiwan Relations, its current stance, as well as future involvement and action.

Ridley, who has worked on projects concerning US-China security relations, described the US-Taiwan relationship as rocky at best. He made it clear that there was a lot of frustration in Washington in dealing with former President Chen, who supported the independence of Taiwan. China has more than a thousand missiles pointed towards Taiwan, ready to strike at any time, and Chen’s often provocative and destructive policies didn’t do much to sooth tensions. The election of President Ma Ying-Jiou in 2008, representing a more reconciliatory point of view, is a welcome change to the US and increases the possibility of peace between the straits.

While America is eager to build confidence and progress between the two states, it is cautious not to provoke China, as Ridley states that US-China relations are Washington’s #1 priority after the Afghanistan and Iraq wars. Especially in the advent of a “significantly weaker” United States, it is important for the States to rely on China on issues such as non-proliferation, climate change, North Korea and Pakistan. However much the US wants to see a peace agreement between Taiwan and China, the Obama Administration is committed to staying out of China-Taiwan relations, as it doesn’t want to convolute the already stagnant and volatile process of negotiations.

Ridley strongly believes that the US should do more to facilitate the process and encourage movement in negotiations. For example, Washington can issue public statements on certain policies of the Taiwan government, and should also be more forceful in helping Beijing understand the volatile political situation in Taiwan. If Beijing doesn’t give Taiwan what it wants, it would only undermine the Ma government, which is the opposite of what China wants, as Ma’s political party is more willing to negotiate on cross-straits relations. At the same time, Ma needs to show citizens that a warmer policy toward China will actually bear fruit, as local protests have already been springing up in response to possible free trade negotiations with China.

Such moves on Washington’s part would make it more possible for a peace agreement to exist between the two countries. But judging from the current standstill, one can only wait and see for any concrete developments to take place.